EVO – Egitto e Vicino Oriente

Egitto e Vicino Oriente è una rivista annuale dell’Università di Pisa, fondata da Edda Bresciani nel 1978. Pubblica articoli dedicati alla ricerca in tutti gli ambiti delle culture antiche dell’Egitto e del Vicino Oriente.


Egitto e Vicino Oriente is an annual journal of the University of Pisa, founded by Edda Bresciani in 1978. It publishes articles devoted to research in all areas of ancient Egyptian and Near Eastern cultures.

Direttore responsabile / Editor-in-chief: prof. Marilina Betrò

Comitato scientifico / Board of advisors:

J.P. Allen, D. Amaldi, A. Avanzini, M. Betrò, P.G. Borbone, G. Del Monte, D. Devauchelle, I. Forstner-Müller, F. Haikal, G. Mazzini, S. Mazzoni, A. Menchetti, G. Miniaci, S. Quirke, C. Saporetti, F. Silvano, P. Xella, C. Zivie-Coche



Edito da / Published by Pisa University Press

EVO 42 (2019)

The autor publishes a faience statuette of the Egyptian god Bes who holds in its hands an oryx
upside down. The parallels ‒ scarabs and cretulae ‒ come from Carthage. The provenance of the
statuette, from a private collection, is unknown; the proposed date is the 7-6th century B.C.

This paper aims to analyse the different steps in the phenomenon of material entanglement –
often invisible in the archaeological record – between the Egyptian and Nubian material cultures
of the Second Intermediate Period (1750-1500 BC) in the so-called ‘Egyptian Cemetery’
(southern part of the Eastern Cemetery) at Kerma. Faience figurines have been selected as the
case study to analyse the processes of a. material appropriation, when an Egyptian artefact is
integrated into a different cultural world; b. incorporation and tinkering, when the appropriated
product is reshaped/modified at Kerma; c. hybridisation, when there is the generation of a
product with a new ontological meaning, reinterpreted on a local background.

Publication of a fragmentary female statue found during the excavations of the mission of
the University of Pisa at Dra Abu el-Naga and probably dated between the end of the 18th and
the beginning of the 19th dynasty.

Publication of a stelophorous statue preserved in the Egyptian Museum of Florence (inv. no.
1793), which is inscribed for a troop commander, overseer of horses and overseer of recruits
of the time of Amenhotep II. The statue has been probably found at Thebes, during Ippolito
Rosellini’s excavations. The following article provides a brief history, description of the object
and translations of its inscriptions. Statue typology and titles of its owner are also discussed.

In this contribution, the Egyptian text sources for the connection between bees and labour
are investigated. In the course of research, four different examples were collected. Their time
frame stretches from the Middle Kingdom to the Greco-Roman Period.

In this contribution, a new explanation for the word “xai” in the Egyptian pBrooklyn
35.1453 A, H/V, 8/11 is searched for. The previous interpretation as a fish-name turns out to
be unconvincing. In this article, the word is analyzed as a secondary form of “xAw”, which
is a common term for pots. The phonetic change between “A“ and “a“ assumes an extra importance. The solution can be backed up by excellent parallels.

The study of ancient Egyptian coffin decoration has received more interest in the
last years. There has been an increase of archaeometric analysis to identify decoration
techniques, ground layers, type of pigments, resins, varnishes, and binder media. Any
degree of variation, indeed, can reflect stylistic choices, different costs of commission,
availability of materials or the practices of a specific workshop. Despite the several
recent investigation on Late Period, Ptolemaic and Roman coffins preserved in various
museums, the most interesting works on the varnishes used on funerary objects during the
New Kingdom (i.e. the yellow varnish and black varnish) have been published by Serpico
and White. According to them, the first use of these two varnishes is dated back to the
appearance of the black coffins with yellow decoration, which are the main topic of Lisa
Sartini current PhD project. Therefore, we decided to analyse the organic compounds in
the decoration of the black coffins of the Egyptian Museum in Florence, thanks to the
collaboration between the Department of Civilisations and Forms of Knowledge and
the Department of Chemistry and Industrial Chemistry of the University of Pisa. The
sampled specimens are: the coffin of Kent (6526), the coffin of Nebtauy (6525), the lid
and the mummy-board of Ipuy (2175 A-B) – all coming from Thebes and dated between
the end of 18th dynasty-beginning 19th dynasty – and the coffin of Kenamun (9477) from
Thebes, dated in the reign of Amenhotep II. Our research is in addition to the analysis
already performed on the black coffins with yellow decoration exhibited in the British
Museum, the Louvre Museum, the Museo Egizio of Turin and the Michael C. Carlos

This paper aims to present some hypothesis to interpret the occurrence and function of
some vessels found set in the floor of the monastic housing units investigated during the last
(2018) field season at the Byzantine site of Manqabad (Asyut, Egypt) by the archaeological
mission of the University of Naples “L’Orientale” (UNIOR), the University of Rome “La
Sapienza” Roma, the Project Sector of MSA, SCA local Inspectorate and the Restoration
Sector. The material presented in this paper could be hopefully useful for comparison with
similar Byzantine material in Egypt, since the actual function of those sunken pots is still

The glass finds were uncovered during the excavations carried out by the Istituto
Papirologico “G. Vitelli” (University of Florence) in the area of Deir el Sombat, in the first
spurs of the Gebel el ‘Adila to the Northeast of Antinoupolis (Middle Egypt). In October
2010 and 2011 the fragments from freeblown vessels were discovered in the cleaning of the
court building serving as a camp for the police or a group of soldiers who had to supervise the
activities in the quarries around Deir el Sombat. The fragments, coming from bottles, goblets
and bowls are dated to 8th-9th centuries.

This paper explores the complex connections between the Platonic and Gnostic currents in
Late Antiquity and attempts to explain how these ideas could have been transmitted to later
‘Gnostic’ groups in the Near East, such as the Mandaeans of southern Iraq, or to the various
heterodox streams within Islam (ghulūw, Yezidis, etc.). As relevant case studies for this
process of transmission, the study focuses on a few Late Antique elaborations of the latent
dualism intrinsic to Plato’s philosophy: (a) the Hymn of the Pearl (composed in Syriac and
only preserved in the apocryphal Acts of Thomas), (b) the Chaldean Oracles, written in Greek
and preserved in quotations from Neoplatonic authors, and (c) the fragments of Numenius of
Apamea. The careful comparison of these texts reveals striking affinities with regard to the
philosophical and mythical motives employed, which could be characterised as a blend of
Platonist and Gnostic ideas. A few of these motives are discussed in detail, e.g. the body as
a material garment which has to be cast off, the dichotomy between memory and oblivion,
the image of the soul serving as a slave in the material world. Relevant quotations regarding
these motives are gathered in an appendix to the article. The occurrence of very similar ideas
in Mandaean and Islamic Gnosticism further suggests a direct connection between these later
groups and their Late Antique counterparts, either through oral channels, or via texts such as
the ones discussed here.

Since 2016, the Italian Mission to Oman in collaboration with the Office of the Adviser to
His Majesty the Sultan for Cultural Affairs started a new project on the Inqitat promontory
in the Khor Rori area (Dhofar, Oman). These archaeological investigations have brought to
light a huge settlement that provides important data on the first millennium BC in Dhofar.
The materials studies and the radiocarbon dating suggest that the settlement was used until
the Classical Period (1st-2nd cent. AD), contemporary at least in part with Sumhuram. This
was an important South-Arabian city strongly connected with the frankincense trade. The
site of Inqitat seems to suggest the presence of a long life architectural tradition, and open
some interesting questions about the relation between South Arabian people, who were
living in Sumhuram, and the local population of the area. Furthermore, this site could allow
some understanding of the culture of the inhabitants of Dhofar.

In un articolo del 2017 Niu Ruji ha pubblicato uno specchio con croce e iscrizione in
siriaco, conservato almeno dal 2013 al Museo Storico Nazionale di Pechino. La provenienza
dello specchio è indicata genericamente come dalla Mongolia Interna. La località e le modalità
del ritrovamento non sono note. Niu data lo specchio alla dinastia Yuan. Nell’articolo l’autore
riesamina le informazioni fornite da Niu e fa notare alcune caratteristiche dell’iscrizione e
della decorazione che suscitano dubbi sull’autenticità dello specchio.
2013年以来一直保存在北京国家博物馆。镜子的原产地说是从内蒙古来的。 位置和

EVO 41 (2018)

The city planning of Medinet Madi, is for a large extent still to be investigated, the living
quarters excavated are those around the mission house and those along the dromos.
The hypotheses advanced in this article are based on the archaeological excavations carried
out by the archaeological missions, on the reliefs and satellite photos images (1935-1939,
1962-1968, 1978-1990, 1990-205, 2005-2011); moreover, were used the photo interpretation
of the RAF aerial photo (1934) and the Fayum satellite photos images (acquired during the
ISSEMM project) as well as field observations during the archaeological missions.
The article assumed that the village had two urban planning axes, the first north – south
bisector of the temple “A” and the dromos and the second east – west that runs along the temple
“C”. The village therefore confirms the Hippodameic scheme of many Fayoum villages.

Since K. Sethe’s works, the Egyptian writing system and its subsystems have always been
considered as consonantal. However, this theory has been questioned by I. Gelb in 1960s:
according to him, even though the Hieroglyphic system is not vowel-sensitive, it works as a
syllabic system with regard to the word parsing. That the classical Egyptian writing is strongly
logographic, it seems to be clear, but the situation seems to be more fluid in the preceding
stages. In fact, in many passages of PT, several roots show co-textual variations in their
writing: to these variations, parallel variations in morphology correspond. My proposal is that
a syllabic interpretation could shed some light on these phenomena. From this preliminary
study, three main strategies of rendering the syllabic structure of a word emerge: complex
logograms, analytic writing, and mobile logograms.

As part of the Ancient Egyptian religion studies, demonology is still a fairly unexplored
field. The issue has so far been limited to brief articles and essays, which do not allow to
establish a methodology and solid criterions to deal with the subject. This is particularly
evident in the absence of a chronological and diachronic perspective in the demonological
analysis. Egyptian ideas about supernatural beings have been considered as an immutable
whole, without any inner development or evolution: entities far apart in time and belonging
to different cultural contexts have been placed on the same level. This article aims to analyze
the ambiguity caused by considering as identical two different categories of demons, the
ḫ3.tyw and the “seven arrows”. Through a contextualized analysis of the sources, the article
will show that these two types have different chronological, cultic and iconographic features.
The proposed elements will make clear that the assumption ḫ3.tyw = “seven arrows” is valid
only in specific circumstances.

The Mesopotamian and Egyptian artists, in order to represent a proportionated human and
royal figure on different kind of surfaces, employed compositional grids, which were realized
on the basis of rules dictated by a precise proportional canon. This paper intends therefore
to remember, retracing some of the studies about this topic, the main characteristics of these
artistic expedients, thanks to which it is possible to try an hypothetical reconstruction of a
fragment of a statue depicting pharaoh Userkaf.

A group of Middle Kingdom objects discovered at the beginning of the twentieth century,
and stated as coming from a tomb near el-Matariya (Heliopolis), was acquired by a French
collector, Maurice Nahman, and later widely dispersed across public institutions and private
collections worldwide. The group included a large quantity of faience figurines (over 34
pieces identified so far). The aim of this article is to reassemble the group (also visually) and
address three critical points about its ‘discovery’: a) the authenticity of each single artefact;
b) the reliability of the place of provenance (el-Matariya) and its archaeological setting (a
funerary context); c) the validity of the association of the objects as a group, i.e. the likelihood
that they were all effectively connected with each other in the same original context (itself a
unique archaeological occurrence). While el-Matariya and a single funerary context for them
are still plausible hypotheses, next to the possibilities that these objects may have come from
either a temple deposit or a multiple burial assemblage, the author aims to demonstrate that in
no way can they be considered to have come from a ‘provenanced context’.

While analysing some cartonnage fragments found in tomb KV 40, my attention was
caught by a peculiar decorative pattern, consisting of a band of yellow mandrake fruits painted
onto the broad collar of the remains of an 18th-dynasty mummy mask. The presence of this
decorative pattern on an object intended for the tomb does not have a self-evident explanation.
During the New Kingdom, there is a profusion of mandrake plants and fruits within Egyptian
art: these occur in the representations of gardens on palace, tomb, and temple walls, they
also decorate several types of objects, such as cosmetic spoons, mummy masks, coffins, and
pottery. In the framework of Egyptian love poetry, mandrake has a specific meaning, its fruits
evoking an erotic nuance and being associated with female breasts. Conversely, with regard
to the funerary context, mandrake fruits have a different value and meaning, which will be
investigated in the present paper.

In this contribution, a new study of the Egyptian “Book of Heaven´s Cow, 45” is presented.
The word “HAw” will be of special interest. The previous proposals did not fully convince.
This article assumes a connection with the word “HAii” “to bring in trouble”, which can be
found in pBerlin 3050, V, 3. The well known phonetic shift from “i” to “w” will play an
important role.

The first section of this paper focuses on two unpublished objects: a faience plaque
constituted by seven pieces (E 32591) and one shabti (E 32787), both currently preserved
at the Louvre Museum, Paris, and belonging to the same owner, the renep-priest Horemheb,
son of Ankhpakhered. The objects are dated back to the beginning of the Late Period (c. 664-
600 BC). The priest Horemheb, son of Ankhpakhered, is already known from several other
shabtis: six of them belong to a private collection and have been recently published; another
several shabtis have been offered for sale at auctions and they are scattered across private
collections. The second section of the paper attempts to gather and update all the available
documentation related to the specific sacerdotal renep-title in the Third province of Lower
Egypt. Finally, from the analyses of the sources, the paper aims to shed new light on the
specific sacerdotal renep-title and its relationship with other sacerdotal titles, administrative
and religious offices, often connected to the Western Delta region.

The tradition represented in Book LI of John’s Chronicle was created in different periods,
locations, and cultural and ethnic environments. The core of the story itself speaks of Cambyses’
invasion of Egypt. Cambyses was beginning to be presented as an archetypal Egyptian
enemy, and stories of the destruction of the country during his invasion remained preserved
in various parts of Egypt for centuries. In various areas, local tradition linked Cambyses with
destructions that he had clearly not caused. In fact, his name had been attached to events and
linked to the memory of his invasion that had happened in other periods of Egyptian history.
The present study discusses how this archetype of evil became part of the tradition known
from John’s Chronicle. Specifically, it deals with one element of this tradition: the merging of
the Cambyses and Nebuchadnezzar characters.

This paper deals with the identity of the third temple mentioned in the so-called Decree
of Cambyses, copied on the verso of the demotic P. Bibl. Nat. 215 (Paris). Three temples, in
the copy preserved on the early Ptolemaic document, were privileged by the Persian king and
were exempted from his austerity measures. In his edition of P. Bibl. Nat. 215, Spiegelberg
read the name of the third temple as Pr-¡apj-(n)-iwnw, identifying it with Babylon in the
Heliopolitan area. So far this has been accepted by most scholars, with a few exceptions. This
article reviews the question on the basis of the available data and proposes to read the name of
the temple as “Serapeum” (Pr-¡p), interpreting the following signs as “Hnk (n) AH(.w)”, “the
donated lands”. Such a reading goes beyond the simple philological restitution of the name
of the third temple and casts new light on the well-known and long-standing debate over
Cambyses’ policy towards Egyptian temples and the sacred bull Apis, since the Serapeum
was indeed one of the major Memphite sanctuaries he chose to privilege.

The glass finds were uncovered during the excavations carried out by the Istituto
Papirologico “G. Vitelli” (University of Florence) inside the Kollouthos’s church, in the
Northern necropolis of Antinoupolis (Egypt). In October 2007 the fragments from blown
vessels were discovered in a basin, originally sunk into the ground in the northern pastophorium,
probably used to keep holy water to be distributed among the believers. Several oracular
tickets testified the extensive use of the holy water made by the small church, home to the
oracle of Colluthus. The fragments, coming from flasks, bottles and goblets, well attested in
Egypt, are dated to 6th-7th centuries.

Excavations at Salut in the Al Dakhiliyah region of Oman, near Bahla, targeted a number
of funerary structures disseminated over the plain which hosts the remains of the prehistoric
occupation of the oasis, and on the slopes of nearby hills. The majority of these tombs
fits the widely known models of prehistoric burials in South East Arabia, although some
structural features deserve mention, as does the discovery of a sealed, small Wadi Suq grave,
an exceptional happenstance for the region. Moreover, two excavated tombs represent what
appears to be an unprecedented type for the region. In fact, they are built with large squared
boulders, arranged in order to form a rectangular stone chamber, partially emerging from the
ground. Despite ancient robbing, the scarce materials discovered inside one of these ‘stonecist’ graves can be safely dated to the local Early Bronze Age. The peculiar layout of these
tombs deserves description as it can also provide helpful reference during surveys, when
similar orthogonal walls can easily be misunderstood as a portion of non-funerary structures.

In April 2016 the Office of the Adviser to His Majesty the Sultan for Cultural Affairs
started a new project on southern Oman, at the site of Al Baleed, ancient Zafar. The works,
still in progress, have been focused on the excavation of the fortified castle, Husn Al Baleed
(10th-18th century), the study of the materials and the consolidation of the building in order to
ensure the preservation of the complex and its proper visualization. This report will present
some of the results achieved during the ongoing excavations and it will include the preliminary
contributions of some experts which have been working on different materials discovered in
the Husn and at the site: the pottery, the ceramics from the Far East, the ship timbers and the

À une trentaine de kilomètres à l’est de Midyat, à équidistance de cette ville et de Azekh
(İdil, en turc) se trouve le village de Basebrin, «Bsorino» en turoyo, le dialecte araméen local,
et officiellement connu comme «Haberli» en turc. Les chrétiens qui y habitent encore, membres
de l’Église Syriaque Orthodoxe, sont fiers de désigner leur village comme «le village aux 25
églises» aux visiteurs de passage. Cette appellation qui peut de prime abord sembler folklorique,
métaphorique ou tout du moins exagérée, recèle cependant un certain nombre d’éléments
historiques et artistiques que l’on se propose d’analyser ici. En effet, si comme nous le verrons,
le nombre d’églises est plus difficile à déterminer qu’il n’y paraît, il n’en demeure pas moins que
Basebrin représentait au Moyen-Âge et même au-delà, un centre syriaque d’importance culturelle
et politique majeure.
Dans le présent travail, nous nous limiterons à étudier quatre des églises secondaires qui sont
celles qui comportent un décor peint et des inscriptions: Mor Daniel, qui ne présente aujourd’hui
que des inscriptions, sans décor mural autre que quelques graffiti modernes; Mor Toma, avec les
restes de décor peint les plus effacés, et enfin, deux églises qui outres des inscriptions, sont ornées d’un décor peint en rouge et noir d’un style local et inédit jusqu’à ce jour.

EVO 40 (2017)

The article aims at introducing the collection of objects coming from Zawyet Sultan preserved in the Musée du Louvre at Paris, and the museological issues related to it. Zawyet
Sultan, probably the ancient Hebenu, capital of 16th nome of Upper Egypt, is located in Middle Egypt (Menya) and it has been almost continuously in use from the Predynastic (Naqada
II) to the Islamic Period, both as cemetery and as settlement; its main phase of development
corresponds to the Old Kingdom. The topographical overview of the site and the history of
its archaeological exploration aim at contextualising the excavations of Raymond Weill at
the site in 1912, 1913, 1929, 1933. A large part of the objects (ca. 311) from his excavations
at Zawyet Sultan entered the Louvre collection in three different lots (1912 = E 11297 to E
11333; 1913 = E 11437 to E 11515; 1992 = E 26835 to E 26851). The collection of the Louvre provides an unparalleled opportunity for studying the material culture of a regional site
through all its phases and ages.

The modern toponym ‘Valley of the Queens’ suggests a burial place reserved for the pharaohs’ consorts: this is only partly true, namely for the tombs cut into this necropolis during
the Ramesside Period. The situation concerning the individuals buried there during the 18th
Dynasty is in fact more complex and requires new investigation. After a historical and geographical introduction and a few words on the issue regarding 18th-dynasty Queens’ burials
within the Theban west bank, this contribution will focus on the undecorated shaft tombs cut
in the Valley of the Queens during the Thutmoside Period and their owners. Attention will
be given to archeological finds, geographic positioning, and comparisons with the non-royal
tombs within the Valley of the Kings and those in the Western Wadis (in particular the Wadi
Bariya). Thus, this analysis will offer a new key to interpret the 18th-dynasty Valley of the
Queens, taking into consideration the selection criteria for a burial there and the social identity of the tomb owners.

The present article focuses on three cylinders in glass, egyptian blue and gilded wood
preserved in the Collections of the Egyptian Museum in Florence. The pieces with central,
vertical opening, square in section, were used to form columns on portable shrines (naoi) of
temple furniture in the Ptolemaic Period, most notably for use in processional temple festivals. The columns stood in the four corners of the shrine and were mounted on a bronze rod
as a central armature; the glass or faïence cylinders were often alternated with gilded wooden

This article presents a comparative analysis of wage specifications for different types of
worker in the Code of Hammurabi (1972-1950 BC) and in administrative documents. The
analysis focuses primarily on the paragraphs of the Code that relate to different occupations
or professions and their respective wages (especially paragraphs 215-277), without neglecting the information to be found in other paragraphs of the Code. Different aspects of Mesopotamian economic organization during the Old Babylonian period -especially agriculture and
livestock farming- are investigated on the basis of data from both the Code and the economic
documents, with special reference to the wages of different kinds of worker: agricultural
labourers, shepherds, hired labourers, gardeners, artisans, weavers, builders, boatmen (and
other workers), and finally doctors and veterinarians who were paid on the basis of the difficulty of the treatment and the category of patient. In the conclusions the author provides a
reconstruction of the economic landscape of the Old Babylonian period.

This paper sets out to evaluate the dynameis of speech in the Sumerian Weltanschauung in
philogenetics and in particular through the observation of the phenomenology of signs such
as dur and bal, the ontogenesis, in which the role of speech is expressed macroscopically and
is fundamental both at the moment a human being accesses the world or the Geworfenheit,
and during their lifetime, and finally in the egressive phase. These moments are all modulated
by the assignment of the ontological statute, not the sedentary and monolithical being, but
rather the fluid and nomadic becoming.

This paper sets out to underline how the Lugal-an-ki, ‘Lord of heaven and earth’ or, rather,
‘Lord of Heaven-and-Earth’ contains considerable evidence that confirms the dynameis of
speech in the Sumerian world. We will then turn our attention to consider how the Lugal-anki is of particular interest concerning its cosmological content as well as the indispensable
presence, of making the universe in the likeness of man, of the verbal phenomenology which
can be found at various levels and which tends to involve both that dimension which is at
present considered to be the sphere of consciouness and that of the unconscious.

The cod. Orientali 387 is a pocket-size manuscript which contains the Infancy Gospel of
Our Lord in Arabic. A colophon informs us that it was produced in Mardin, in the year 1299.
The codex contains over fifty unfinished drawings which illustrate the miracles the swaddling bands and bathing water of Jesus perform when they come in touch with diseased or
possessed people. The Arabic text is a translation of an original, late-antique Syriac narrative;
the drawings of the codex seem to hark back to an earlier model with the Syriac version of
the story. The main characters of the narrative are Mary and other women the holy family
occasionally meets and rescues from a variety of diseases. We are facing with a rare visual
document of domestic life, especially concerning women’s behaviour, in the Christian East:
in fact, most of the drawings illustrate episodes of women with leprosy, care of children, demons who torment women sexually, jealousy of her husband’s other wife, and sorcery.

La città di Maragha, nell’Azerbaigian iraniano, assume nel XIII secolo un’importanza senza precedenti per entrambe le Chiese di tradizione siriaca, la siro-ortodossa e la siro-orientale.
La ragione principale è la scelta dei sovrani mongoli di risiedere a Maragha o nelle sue vicinanze. Il patriarca (catholicos) della Chiesa siro-orientale sceglie come propria residenza
Maragha per restare vicino al sovrano e alla corte. Nel caso della Chiesa siro-ortodossa, risulta che le frequenti visite del mafriano Barhebraeus a Maragha siano dovute principalmente
alla possibilità di condurre studi e attività didattica nella biblioteca dell’osservatorio fondato
presso Maragha dal khan Hülegü.

EVO 39 (2016)

The aim of this paper is to present evidence for the influence of the solar cult in Abydos
during the Middle Kingdom. The Abydene references to the sun god Re will be presented as
well as various potential solar epithets of Osiris. By demonstrating that the solar theology had
much more impact on the local cults then previously assumed, this work is intended to augment our understanding regarding how the relationship between Osiris and Re developed during the Middle Kingdom.

In the early Middle Kingdom most coffins were produced locally, often at places with a
strong local governor. There is some evidence that coffins were traded from one place to another, although the evidence is not abundant. By comparison, far fewer coffins are known
from the late Middle Kingdom (late Twelfth to Thirteenth Dynasty). It seems that only centres with royal connections produced coffins: Abydos, Memphis/Lisht, Thebes. This geographical restriction provides one reason for why we no longer have the same high number of decorated coffins as before. At the same time, the provincial population followed older burial traditions that did not require decorated coffins.

Tefnut was one of the most important figures in the heliopolitan theology, as goddess of sexuality, fertility and rebirth. This role, despite appearances, may have been used and adapted also
under Akhenaten’s reign, when the ‘heretic’ pharaoh adopted past symbologies to continue the
political-religious program of his father, Amenhotep III. As a god in the earth, Akhenaten needed a goddess by his side for the maintaining of universe status quo. Thereby, Nefertiti took connotations and functions of Tefnut, accompanying her husband in every official representations.
So, in this paper, I’ll analyze some possible ways of acquisition of the heliopolitan precepts in the
Amarna period, epoch in which there are the first iconographic representations of Tefnut.

The role of the Khemenyu, «The ones of the town “Eight” (Khemenu/Hermopolis)», known
as Ogdoad, was crucial in the theologies of Ptolemaic temples, in Thebes, Fayum and other
places. In Thebes particularly, the ritual scenes, hymns, dedicatory inscriptions on the propylons (temple of Khonsu, temple of Montu, second pylon, pylon of Medinet Habu) or inside the
temples (Opet, Khonsu temple, small temple of Medinet Habu) offer a large amount of information to understand the myth of their birth in Luxor, their role of creators, their travels along
the Nile to Hermopolis, Memphis and Heliopolis, their return to Thebes where they were buried in the sacred mound of Djeme on the western bank of the Nile in the area of the small temple of Medinet Habu. The analysis of more ancient documents will show that this group do not
appear before the 18th dynasty. Until the first millennium, their role was limited to the sun’s adoration, perhaps in the shape of baboons. Their iconography is not known before the 26th dynasty, when they appeared as men with frog heads and women with cobra heads; their Theban
Ptolemaic representations are generally purely anthropomorphic. At the same time, they received personal names as four couples named by the masculine name and its feminine counterpart: Amon and Amonet, Nun and Nunet, Hehu and Hehet, Keku and Keket.
From their first manifestations during the New Kingdom to the last ones in Roman time,
the evolution of their functions is obvious; the creation of their own myth as cosmogonic
gods and dead gods cannot be dated before the second part of the first millenium. This analysis underlines the transformation of these divine entities, of their myth and their theology
during their long history.

Mummy masks were popular within ancient Egyptian burial assemblages – from the Old
Kingdom down to the Roman Period – even though their production was not continuous
over time. Among this category of funerary objects, the cartonnage helmet masks – in particular those produced between the end of the Old Kingdom and the New Kingdom – form
an interesting group, the evolutionary process of which can be analysed through the epochs. After a brief introduction on the masking phenomenon both in ritual and funerary contexts, this paper focuses on a small group of 19th Dynasty helmet masks found in the tomb
of Sennedjem at Deir el-Medina (TT 1). These masks are noteworthy because of their innovative decoration that makes them unique pieces among the New Kingdom samples. In addition, their added value consists in the peculiar shape of their back side, which very likely
characterizes them as the last representative pieces of the cartonnage helmet masks of pharaonic Egypt.

While examining the shabti-jars housed in the Department of Ancient Egypt and Sudan at
the British Museum (London), I noticed a striking resemblance between the vessels London EA
58773-76 and another six vessels stored in other museums and collections around the world (the
Cleveland Museum of Art, the North Carolina Museum, and a private collection in Tübingen).
This paper will focus on two issues: firstly, a description of the exact features of the London EA
58773-76 vessels, through comparison with other jars that are similar in structure and that still contain shabtis. Secondly, through comparisons of the hieroglyphic inscriptions and titles written on
the London vessel walls, I will show that these vessels belonged to the same priest called Hori who
is named on the other six vessels. Furthermore, through the dating of the vessels, this paper will
provide evidence that Hori was working during the 20th Dynasty at Thoth’s Temple in Hermopolis.

Among the wide collection of the bronze figurines preserved at the Petrie Museum, UC 8033
represents Osiris with an iconography rarely attested: the representation on the back of a falcon
with a sun disc and with wings wrapping the body of the figure. Unfortunately, the figurine is unprovenanced and no other information are preserved in the museum. This paper presents also five other Osiris figurines (1- BM EA 24718; 2- Brooklyn Museum, inv. no. 39.93; 3- MMA 56.16.2;
4- CG 38270; 5- Statuette from a private collection – unknown location –), which show close parallels in iconography, design, and composition with UC 8033. Furthermore, the peculiar iconography of the falcon on the back is not exclusively used for Osiris, but it is in use also for other statuettes, mainly representing goddesses, such as Neith and Isis, and high social rank women, such as the famous statue of Karomama (Louvre N 500). The chronological range of UC 8033 seems to be circumscribed to the time between the Third Intermediate Period and the early Twenty-six Dynasty.

Object of the paper are two wooden furniture elements and a group of glass inlays from the
Collections of the Egyptian Museum in Florence. Many of these inlays decorated small wooden shrines or pieces of temple furniture; shrines panels inlaid with colored glass elements are attested from the late sixth century B.C. onward. Monochromatic or mosaic glass inlay might be
placed in separate cells or be contiguously adhered on a common background. Almost all the inlays, now divorced from their original settings, are in monochrome opaque glass in red, light
turquoise-blue, light blue, blue, green and black, just one is in mosaic glass.

This paper presents the identification of the statuary fragment S. 19400 RCGE 48068 (Egyptian Museum, Turin) with the head of a sculpture discovered in 1931 at Tebtynis.
In that year, during the second fieldwork season of the Italian Archaeological Mission at
Tebtynis, Carlo Anti and Gilbert Bagnani discovered several fragments of a non-royal Ptolemaic sculpture. The whereabouts of this statue have since remained unknown and its available
documentation have thus been limited to the photographs taken in 1931. This paper offers a
thorough stylistic discussion of the statue and proposes a dating for it.
Investigation in the Turin Egyptian Museum has recently allowed the author to analyse a
poorly preserved statue head found by Anti in Tebtynis (inv. no. S. 19400 RCGE 48068). Autopsy of the object confirmed the identification of this fragment with the head of the non-royal
sculpture discovered in 1931 at Tebtynis.

Often when one studies ancient civilisations, one focuses on archeological data and, in particular, materials; but the question that has always intrigued me the most has been: what did the
people who designed and manufactured the typical artifacts of the Nubian territory (commonly
referred to as the Corridor of Africa) live on? What were the eating habits of the local populations? What food did they love the most and how did they use to cook and prepare the ingredients they used the most?
To answer these questions, I have analysed the textual data provided by classical authors and
local inscriptions, as well as the iconographic data. Both confirmed what was already highlighted by the archaeological findings. The archaeological analysis focused in particular on food remains found in some sites including Kerma, Kawa and Meroe, and on the skeletal remains of
the cemetery of El Geili. Specifically, the bones have allowed to learn which food there was
shortage and if there were cases of malnutrition.
Achieving an understanding of the produce eaten by the ancient Nubia civilisations will lead
to getting a better understanding of the taste and habits of this specific society which, even if for
a very short period of time, dominated throughout the Egyptian territory reaching the northern
Mediterranean shore.

This contribution analyses the group of bas-reliefs B-17/20 decorating the east side of the
Throne Room of the Northwest palace of Ashurnasirpal II at Kalḫu. The non-bellicose aspects
of one of the motifs depicted, the royal hunt, together with the extreme calm and simplicity featuring the narrative composition of the battle and tribute scenes, make this group an evident exception within the decoration of the Throne Room, whose west side is in contrast mainly characterized by bloody and complex images of war. Although some scholars have touched on this
issue, no one has carried out a thorough analysis or provided a convincing and reasonable explanation. Therefore, this paper aims to fill this gap by scrutinizing the slabs B-17/20 in the light
of 1) their spatial context and their meanings, 2) the identity of the figures portrayed and 3) the
visual consumption by an audience. In particular, from a close examination of the battle and
tribute scenes, it is concluded that these represent the middle Euphrates kingdom of Suḫu, and
carry a message specifically intended for visitors from this kingdom.

Already in the III century B.C. traffics and trade between the Red Sea and the Indian Ocean
opened Arabia Felix to the cultural influence of Hellenism. Traders and craftsmen begun spreading Hellenistic taste in South Arabia too. Hellenistic elements appeared there first in South Arabian statues, bas-reliefs and decoration. One of the most famous bronze statue found at Tamna‘
or Timna‘ (Qatabān), named ‘Lady Bar’at’ by the archaeologists who found it, is now kept at
the National Museum of Aden (Yemen). It is of special interest for the studies on the diffusion
of Hellenistic-Roman iconographies into South Arabian bronze production. The heavy, huge
figure, the rigid frontal attitude and the linear drapery of this statue reveal undoubtedly the work
of a local artist inspired by a “western” iconographic model. Lady Bar’at, here dated between
the end of the the 1st cent. B.C. and the first half of the 1st cent. A.D., actually shows no stylistic or iconographic elements to suggest an influence of Parthian art; the “stricte frontalitè” of
such statue, resorted to several times in this connection by Jacqueline Pirenne, does not come
from Arsacic, but rather from Hellenistic Greek tradition, mixed with the peculiar features of
South Arabian style.

The article follows up on a previous study concerning the beginnings of the East Syriac typography (The Chaldean Business. The Beginnings of East Syriac Typography and the Profession of Faith of Patriarch Elias (Vat. Ar. 83, ff. 117-126), «Miscellanea Bibliothecae Apostolicae Vaticanae» 20 [2014] 211-258). A more accurate interpretation of documents in the State
Archive in Florence allows the author to specify the dates when the punchcutter Robert Granjon designed two East Syriac fonts, thus providing the necessary tools for the printing project.
The essay also suggests an identification of the Syriac types of the Stamperia Medicea, through
a comparison with other documents relevant to the history of the Eastern types owned by
the Stamperia after the end of its activity (1614). As a conclusion, a list of all Syriac types designed
by Granjon is proposed.

EVO 38 (2015)

The Egyptian historian Manetho attributes the name “Misphragmuthosis” to the Pharaoh who defeated the Hyksos invaders. Around this name different interpretations have been formulated: from the most recent one of Ian Moyer to that proposed from Champollion and Rosellini after the Franco-Tuscan Expedition in Egypt, without excluding, however, a third hypothesis based on the “graecised” transliteration of King Ahmosis’s prename and name.

The present paper aims at analysing a topic so far unexplored, the three-dimensional representations of the bA-bird. By this definition I intend the well-known figurines and statuettes that almost every Egyptian museum and collection possesses. We know what these three-dimensional samples represent, nevertheless little is known of their origin and function due to the widespread lack of data about their original findspot. Starting from a description of the objects in question, I will deal with the first, hypothesized representations of the bA and the appearance of the human-headed bird iconography representing it, also proposing an interpretation for the first bA-bird statuettes. In the following step I will suggest why the bA-bird figurine production stepped up after the New Kingdom, taking into account the development that occurred within the funerary equipment. In doing so, I am aware that I am far from offering conclusive solutions but I hope
that through this investigation this category of objects may receive further attention by scholars.

The object of this paper is the relief Florence 5412 (18th dynasty). It is often mentioned in the Egyptological literature, but it has never been specifically studied. The first part of this work is dedicated to determining its original provenience. Some scholars have argued that the fragment comes from el-Amarna or Saqqara. However the iconographic comparisons, the study of the decorative techniques of the tombs of the New Kingdom and the presence of the goddess Renenutet on the relief allowed to claim that its comes from Thebes.
In the second part of the paper is examined the place where Renenutet is depicted. Does it represent a chapel for the worship of the snake goddess? The identification of other similar scenes and the evidence provided by the inscriptions on some statues of the goddess, as well as some her epithets confirm the existence, near some storehouses and granaries, of places of worship dedicated to Renenutet, now irremediably lost and previously unknown.

Concerning the black coffins with yellow decoration, which were in use from the reign of HatshepsutTuthmosis III to the reign of Ramses II, I have carried out an iconographic analysis on lid, case, inner surface, head end and foot end. As a result of this investigation, I have identified several iconographic characteristics that have allowed to me to put forward a more precise dating to the part of the coffins that had been generally dated between the 18th and 19th dynasty so far, and an original classification proposal.

The archaeological excavations carried out by the Istituto Papirologico “G. Vitelli” (University
of Florence) between 2000 and 2013 in Antinoupolis (Egypt) brought to light different fragments of a particular type of glass bottle called Kuttrolf or guttrolf. The shape of this bottle with the body pinched four times in the middle to form vertical tubes joined to the centre by a thin membrane leaving a constricted central opening suggests that its purpose was to slow down the flow of its liquid content. The glass finds are dated by the context from the end of the 6th to the 7th centuries.

The present article focuses on a Christian Sasanian seal with Pahlavi inscription, preserved in the
Bibliothèque Nationale of Paris, characterized by a figure of a naked standing man, holding a long cross in the left hand and a globe in the right one. This peculiar iconography seems to derive from a Roman prototype of “Jupiter Protector”, which was introduced in Roman coinage by Domitian, and that was later largely adopted by other emperors. Since some rare copper coins of Šābuhr II (309-79 CE) were over-struck on late Roman coins with the same iconography, it is likely that the Persians adopted this Western image by means of coins. Finally, the Christians of Persia, during the Fifth Century, transformed the sceptre of Jupiter into a cross, and put on the gem an augural legend, well-fitting with such “victorious” representation.

This paper follows the stages of the construction of legends about pre-Islamic Yemeni rulers’ gestae in Arab-Islamic historiography and literature, pointing out how narrative material of the Islamic conquests possibly contributed in this construction. The given examples concern specifically the story of Šammar Yurʿiš, the king of ancient Yemen well-known from epigraphic sources, and their presumptive raids and conquests in Central Asia, as exposed by South-Arabian historiographers from ʿAbīd b. Šariyya to Našwān al-Ḥimyarī.

Object of the paper is the lid of the coffin and the cartonnage of the musician of Amun Tentamonnesuttaui (Firenze, Museo Egizio, inv. no. 2176 and 2173). They were part of the intact assemblage of the woman, including her mummy, found during Ippolito Rosellini’s excavations at Thebes in an intact tomb – as he says –, and probably damaged during the sea travel from Alexandria to Italy. Both can be dated on the ground of internal iconographic and textual evidence to Dynasty 22. Her father, Hormes, was a priest and scribe of the army of the domain of Amun, probably an ancestor of Hormes, generalissimo of the army of the domain of Amun at the end of Dynasty 22, and owner of TT 126 at Sheikh Abd el-Gurna.

EVO 37 (2014)

  • Giampaolo Graziadio – The Oxhide ingots production in the Eastern Mediterranean 
  • Gianluca Miniaci – The msk3 as “child’s inheritance” (?) in the context of the Old Kingdom Seankhenptah’s letter to the dead, Cairo JE 25975
  • Stefano Vittori – L’uomo medio nelle cc. 68-80 del “Dialogo tra un disperato e il suo ba” (P. Berlin 3024): due personaggi o una maschera? 
  • Julia Budka – The New Kingdom in Nubia: New Results from current excavations on Sai Island
  • Paolo Marini – Una scena di metallurgia e oreficeria dalla tomba M.I.D.A.N.05 a Dra Abu el-Naga
  • Elena Tiribilli – Il toponimo SnT nella stele IM 4018 del Serapeum di Menfi e la prima testimonianza della Bella-Fondazione (SnT-nfr.t)
  • Giorgia Cafici – Looking at the Egyptian Elite: Sculptural Production of the Ptolemaic Period
  • Flora Silvano, Erika Ribechini – Adesivi e collanti nell’Egitto tardo romano
  • Michele Degli Esposti – Iron Age seals from ST1 and Salut, central Oman
  • Alessandra Lombardi – Le stele sudarabiche denominate swr: monumenti votivi o funerari?
  • Pier Giorgio Borbone, Margherita Farina – New Documents concerning Patriarch Ignatius Na‘matallah (Mardin, ca. 1515 – Bracciano, near Rome, 1587) 1. Elias, the “Nestorian” Bishop

EVO 36 (2013)

  • Gianluca Miniaci – Two “forgotten” rishi coffins (rT01Be and rT02Be) in Berlin Museum from Carter and Carnarvon excavations at Thebes
  • Marilina Betrò – Firenze inv. nr. 9477: the coffin of Qenamon (TT 93)?
  • Paolo Marini – Frammenti di un cofanetto porta-ushabti in terracotta dalla tomba M.I.D.A.N.05 a Dra Abu el-Naga
  • Renata Schiavo – Una lettera al morto per placare l’ira di una defunta: alcune osservazioni sulla coppa di Berlino 22573
  • Flora Silvano – Materiale in vetro e faïence dal quartiere ad ovest del dromos di Medinet Madi
  • Margherita Farina – Uno scambio epistolare fra Mario Schepani e Giovanni Battista Raimondi
  • Marianna Mazzola – Alcuni poemi di Barhebraeus e Bar Ma’dani nella redazione del ms. Firenze, Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, Orientale 298 

EVO 35 (2012)

  • Francesca Veronica Rubattu – The landscape: portrait of the Fayum
  • Flora Silvano – Un nuovo motivo pittorico parietale a Medinet Madi
  • Marilina Betrò, Gianluca Miniaci, Paolo Del Vesco – La missione archeologica dell’Università di Pisa a Dra Abu el-Naga (M.I.D.A.N.) Campagne VIII-XI (2008-2011)
  • Valerio Simini – Appendice: The musical scene in the tomb M.I.D.A.N.05 at Dra Abu el-Naga
  • Paul Whelan – A recycled stick shabti in Ipswich Museum, England
  • Carlo Rindi – A Ptah-sokar-osiris figure in the name of Nesmin, son of Ankhpakhered
  • Paolo Marini – I contenitori di ushabti dei musei italiani
  • Elena Tiribilli – Una ricostruzione topografica del distretto templare di Saft el-henna tra filologia e archeologi
  • Roberto Buongarzone – Alcune considerazioni sulle tipologie di sepoltura a Farafra in epoca storica
  • Paolo Gentili – Chogha gavaneh: an outpost of Ešnunna on the Zagros mountains?
  • Silvia Lischi, Alexia Pavan – Le perle di Sumhuram: appunti per una tipologia di vaghi di collana dall’Arabia meridionale
  • Carl Phillips, Chiara Condoluci, Michele Degli Esposti – Further consideration of Bronze and Iron Age settlement patterns at Salut
  • Irene Tinti – On the chronology and attribution of the old armenian timaeus: a status quaestionis and new perspectives

EVO 34 (2011)

  • Edda Bresciani – Gli amuleti-mosca o la faience del valore
  • Paul Whelan – Small yet perfectly formed – some observations on theban stick shabti coffins of the 17th and early 18th dynasty
  • Valerio Simini – Il rapporto tra cecità e arpista nell’antico Egitto: nuove considerazioni
  • Gianluca Miniaci – The «small temple of Isis» at Thebes in the sources of the nineteenth century
  • Micah Ross – A provisional conclusion to the horoscopic ostraca from Medînet Mâdi
  • Marco Moriggi – Phoenician and punic inscriptions in the Museo di Antichità di Torino (Turin, Italy)
  • Paolo Gentili – I nomi di Yelkhi
  • Giovanni Mazzini – Osservazioni epigrafiche, filologiche e comparative su alcuni testi legali sabei al British Museum
  • Mounir Arbach, Irene Rossi – Réflexions sur l’histoire de la cité-état de Nashshân (fin IX e – fin VII e s. av. j.-C.)
  • Mounir Arbach – Nouvelles inscriptions du site de Nashshân, l’actuel As-sawdâ’ (Yémen) datant des VIII e et VII e s. av. j.-C.
  • Michele Degli Esposti – The excavation of an Early Bronze Age tower near Salut (Bisyah, Sultanate of Oman): the Iron Age levels
  • Alessandro Orengo – L’owrbatʿ agirkʿ («il libro del venerdì») e gli inizi della stampa armena

EVO 33 (2010)

  • Marilina Betrò – Un cono funerario dall’area di M.I.D.A.N.05 a Dra Abu el-Naga e il problema della tomba perduta di Nebamon
  • Gianluca Miniaci – The canopic box of Khonswmes and the transition from the late Middle Kingdom to the Second Intermediate Period
  • Christian Greco – Il sarcofago esterno di Tjesraperet, nutrice della figlia del faraone Taharqa. Analisi iconografica preliminare
  • Flora Silvano – Alcune considerazioni sul vetro inciso di Medinet Madi
  • Edda Bresciani – Sara Giannotti e Angiolo Menchetti, Ostraka demotici e bilingui di Narmuthis (II) due pastophoria a Medinet Madi tra secondo e terzo secolo d.C.
  • Ginevra Zoni – Middle Bronze Age mesopotamian residencies: a question of interaction
  • Paolo Gentili – Tell Suleimah e dintorni
  • Giovanni Mazzini – The sabaic legal text C 609 in light of a recent discussion
  • Carl Phillips, Chiara Condoluci, Michele Degli Esposti – Archaeological survey in Wadi Bahla (Sultanate of Oman): An Iron Age site on Jebel Al-Agma, near Bisyah
  • Alessia Prioletta – I musei dello Yemen 3: Le iscrizioni del wādī Lajiya al Museo dell’Università di Aden
  • Alessandro Mengozzi – A syriac hymn on the crusades from a Warda collection
  • Pier Giorgio Borbone – Due episodi delle relazioni tra mongoli e siri nel XIII secolo nella storiografia e nella poesia siriaca

EVO 32 (2009)

  • Edda Bresciani, Missione archeologica nel Fayum dell’Università di Pisa relazione 2008
  • Marilina Betrò, Gianluca Miniaci – The fragments of rishi coffins from the tomb MIDAN.05 at Dra Abu el-Naga
  • Flora Silvano – Il vetro dipinto di Medinet Madi
  • Paolo Del Vesco – A votive bed fragment in the Egyptian Museum of Florence (Italy)
  • Edda Bresciani, Sara Giannotti, Angiolo Menchetti – Ostraka demotici e bilingui di Narmuthis: testi miscellanei
  • Micah Ross – Further horoscopic ostraca from Medinet Madi (pp. 61-95)
    Silvia Gentilini, Il rapporto tra l’iconografia e il testo nelle stele regali
  • Daniele Salvoldi – Alessandro Ricci’s travel account: story and content of his journal lost and found
  • Valentina Giuffra, Donata Pangoli, Paola Cosmacini, Davide Caramella, Flora Silvano, Gino Fornaciari, Rosalba Ciranni – Paleopathological evaluation and radiological study of 46 egyptian mummified specimens in italian museums
  • Giovanni Mazzini – The ancient south arabian root S² YṬ lexical and comparative remarks
    Iwona Gajda, Khaled al-Hajj, Jeremie Schiettecatte – Two inscriptions commemorating the construction of a mountain pass, by Yadaʿʾab dhubyān son of Shahr Mukarrib of Qatabān, and by the qayls of the Maḍḥī tribe
  • Irene Rossi – Un’iscrizione legale minea relativa alla concessione di una tomba
  • Alessia Prioletta – I Musei dello Yemen 2: Note su alcune iscrizioni qatabaniche al Museo Nazionale di Aden e al Museo di Zinjibar
  • Alexia Pavan, Pasquino Pallecchi – Considerazioni su alcuni frammenti di anfore con impasto a base di talco rinvenute nell’antico porto di Sumhuram (Oman)
  • Giovanni Mazzini, Philological and linguistic remarks on the term ʾupqt in ugaritic tablet ktu1.1
  • Alessandro Orengo – Anania Širakacʿi ed Eznik Kołbacʿi
  • Pier Giorgio Borbone – Il codice di Rabbula e i suoi compagni. Su alcuni manoscritti siriaci della biblioteca medicea laurenziana (mss pluteo 1.12; pluteo 1.40; pluteo 1.56; pluteo 1.58)
  • Emanuela Braida – Duas lineas olearum prope oppidum Besciara. Le localizzazioni del codice siriaco pluteo 1.58 (ca. IX sec.) della Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana di Firenze
  • Edda Bresciani – Antonio Giammarusti, I chioschi e il dromos di Medinet Madi

EVO 31 (2008)

  • Gianluca Miniaci, Stephen Quirke – Mariette at Dra Abu el-Naga and the tomb of Neferhotep: a mid 13th dynasty rishi coffin (?)
  • Flora Silvano – Alcune pitture parietali di Medinet Madi
  • Daniele Salvoldi – Some remarks on TT 136 and its interpretation
  • Sara Giannotti – Esercizi scolastici in demotico da Medinet Madi (IV)
  • Franziska Naether, Micah Ross – Interlude: a series containing a hemerology with lengths of daylight
  • Marilina Betrò, Federica Facchetti, M.Cristina Guidotti, Angiolo Menchetti – Vasi con iscrizioni demotiche e ieratiche dalla tomba M.I.D.A.N.05
  • Ljuba Bortolani – Bes e l’ἀϰέφαλος ϑεός dei PGM
  • Giuseppe Minunno – Aspetti religiosi nella conquista assira e persiana dell’Egitto
  • Alessandra Avanzini – Criteri editoriali per la pubblicazione dello CSAI
  • Giovanni Mazzini – Further notes on qatabanic lexicography
  • Alessandra Lombardi – Note di storia dell’arte sudarabica III le stele funerarie a protome taurina
  • Alessia Prioletta – I musei dello Yemen: Nuovi documenti di Dhamār: la regione dal periodo dei mukarrib di Saba’ fino alla formazione di Ḥimyar
  • Sabina Antonini – Due leoni/appliques da Nashshān (Jawf, Repubblica dello Yemen)
  • François Bron – L’inscription des lions de Nashshān
  • Pier Giorgio Borbone – A 13th-century journey from China to Europe.The “story of Mar Yahballaha and Rabban Sauma”

EVO 30 (2007)

  • Edda Bresciani – Pisa University archaeological Mission at Medinet Madi – Fayum preliminary report november 2007
  • Emanuele Brienza – Impianti idraulici antichi rinvenuti a Medinet Madi
  • Marilina Betrò, Paolo Del Vesco, Angelo Ghiroldi, Barbara Lippi, Federica Facchetti – Preliminary report on the University of Pisa 2007 season in TT 14 and M.I.D.A.N.05
  • Wolfram Grajetzki – Box coffins in the late Middle Kingdom and Second Intermediate Period
  • Marilina Betrò – Una nota manoscritta inedita di Ippolito Rosellini e la regina Ahmoside Ahmes-Meritamon
  • Wolfram Grajetzki, Gianluca Miniaci – The statue of ‘royal sealer’ and ‘overseer of fields’ Kheperka, Turin Museum Cat. 3064
  • Daniele Salvoldi – Le tombe tebane private di età Amarniana: evoluzione architettonica, stilistica ed iconografica
  • Flora Silvano – Antichità egiziane nel Museo di Anatomia Umana dell’Università di Pisa
  • Davide Caramella, Gianfranco Natale, Antonio Paparelli, Gino Fornaciari – Esame tomografico computerizzato (TC) della mummia egiziana conservata nel Museo di Anatomia Umana dell’Università di Pisa
  • Maria Perla Colombini, Fabio Frezzato, Francesca Modugno, Erika Ribechini – Caratterizzazione chimica dei balsami di mummificazione delle mummie e dei materiali pittorici del sarcofago egiziano conservato nel nel Museo di Anatomia Umana dell’Università di Pisa
  • Sara Giannotti – Istruzioni per un apprendista bibliotecario negli ostraka demotici e bilingui di Narmuthis
  • Micah Ross – A continuation of the horoscopic ostraca of Medînet Mâdi
  • Angiolo Menchetti – Due iscrizioni geroglifiche e un graffito demotico nel tempio di Medinet Madi
  • Angiolo Menchetti – Un esercizio scolastico in demotico
  • Pier Giorgio Borbone – Etnologia ed esegesi biblica: Barhebraeus e i mongoli nel magazzino dei misteri
  • Pier Giorgio Borbone – Una nuova iscrizione siro-turca dalla Mongolia interna

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